The institutions of modern democracy restricted political representation through electoral laws, campaign laws, party politics and behind-the-scenes politicizing, producing a distinct political class. It seems, however, that the present situation is seeing yet another paradigm shift in politics.
[women vote for the first time in 1963]
The Iranian Revolution of 1979 defies reductive categorization. Third Worldist, Islamic Marxist and radical Shi’i ideologies converged and proliferated throughout Iranian society during the movement to end the autocracy of Mohammad Reza Shah Pahlavi. These factions developed and disseminated radical political ideas reflecting socio-economic and cultural grievances that emphasized themes of anti-Americanism in visual media.
Once, while shopping in Barneys on Fifth Avenue (that mainstay of upper-class consumerism), I stumbled upon a shirt whose twirling letters spelled out: “La Commune de Paris 1871”.
The West saw the Vietnamese monk burn through the lens of an American’s camera. The atrocities of June 10, 1963 brought another morning of piercing tension between the Roman Catholic government of Ngo Dinh Diem and the Buddhist contingent.
In September of 2010, NYU Abu Dhabi opened its doors to its first batch of students. Then on May 18, 2014, an article exposing the conditions of workers who were responsible for building NYU's newest global site was published in the New York Times.
In Joyriding in Riyadh, Pascal Menoret uses “joyriding” and “drifting” as a lens through which to analyze the political, social, and economic experience of Saudi citizens in the massive urban center of Riyadh.
Famine conjures up disconcerting images of emaciated people and wasting, languid children. Witnessing it comes as a visceral shock – the slow and silent extenuating of social structures, family and then the human body itself.
This paper seeks to explore causes of Iranian mistrust towards the United States after the 1979 Iranian Revolution, focusing on the events between 1980 and 1988—the time of the Iran-Iraq War (5). Although anti-American sentiment predates the 1980s, this paper will focus on the events concerning Iran and the United States from the beginning of the Islamic Republic up until the end of the Iran-Iraq War.
Much of the progress in that has been seen in criminal procedure, environmental protection, and corruption recently in China has been made by weiquan lawyers pursuing legal claims, activists using social media, and rural citizens engaging in acts of civil disobedience.
Opium production has filled the coffers of brutal warlords vying for power from the 1980s to the present, spanning the Cold War and the U.S. invasion in 2001. It financed the C.I.A.-sponsored mujahideen in their battle against the Soviet Union in the 1980s and only skyrocketed from there, being used today by both the Taliban and even the Afghan government (informally) as a bountiful cash crop.
In China, food scarcity is not a new problem. Famine is deeply embedded in Chinese history and ingrained in the public’s historical consciousness. Censorship programs by the Chinese Communist Party (CCP) aim to wipe memories of the Great Leap Forward and its catastrophic consequences from the minds of the Chinese, but interviews with survivors and aggressive research has led to scholars estimating that between 35 and 45 million people died between 1958 and 1961 because of the CCP’s collectivist agricultural policies.
Tobacco’s history and China’s reactions thereto reflect the profound impressions that colonial intervention has left on China’s historical consciousness. By considering China’s former opium trade and its current tobacco industry, one may discover a paradox that is both a product of and a response to its modern history.
The introduction of ethnically charged rhetoric in the absence of these leading voices leaves the opposition on a weak platform with little to no leadership while the country slips into more violence reminiscent of the violence experienced during the genocides of the past.
The Review at NYU's Editorial Board discusses the motion for this Tuesday's debate regarding whether Russia or the countries to its west better guard individual liberties.
More than 60 million people in China have disabilities. The scope of these problems has increased in recent years not only in size but in proportion to the population. They persist not only as a result of political apathy, but because of deeply ingrained cultural perceptions that render them far more formidable than many of China’s other problems.
The Internet has wrapped us all in a cocoon of social media, drawing us closer to each other in ways unimaginable even a century ago. It allows us to marvel at the glory of ancient and faraway civilizations; reading their literature and gazing at their artwork provides a glimpse into the lives of our ancestors. But this globalization has not halted the irreversible destruction of our shared culture, as political movements like IS, the Taliban, and the 2003 U.S. invasion of Iraq make poignantly clear. Will we cherish the monuments of humanity’s creativity, and stop their demolition, or will we continue to allow usurping ideologies to trample on the only relics we can truly take pride in as a collective species?